Archive for the ‘ National Politics ’ Category

John Carroll

John Carroll

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE:

Media Contacts:

Barbara Hester – PR Coordinator  (808) 384-5907

Gayle Gardner – Campaign Chairman (808) 595-7127

Alice Paet-Ah Sing - Campaign Director (808) 542-2902

John Carroll – Candidate (808) 526-9111 (808) 545-3800 fax

Gubernatorial Candidate, John Carroll, Former State Senator and Former Chair of the Republican Party of Hawai‘i, announced today that he and Honolulu attorney Christopher Dias have filed a precedent setting law suit.  The suit requests for injunctive relief from the United States Government, relief from the provisions of the Jones Act, which created shipping restrictions that adversely apply to only one State in the Union; the island State of Hawai`i.  Carroll stated that the restrictions are excessively expensive for Hawai`i’s people and are in violation of the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments as well as the Commerce Clause of the U.S. Constitution.

Carroll stated that he had originally intended to instruct his Attorney General to file a class action on behalf of the people of the State of Hawai`i when he took office as Governor.  He now states he sees no reason to delay.  Carroll believes in getting things done.  Carroll explained,  “One of the purposes of enacting the Jones Act was to ensure that the United States of America would be well equipped with a maritime fleet that could compete in a worldwide economy.  Unfortunately, it created unconstitutional restrictions on commerce between the State of Hawai`i and worldwide shippers as well as on interstate commerce.”

Since Hawai`i is separated from the continental United States by 2,300 miles of ocean and, of course, has no highways, railroads or pipelines from the continental United States, Hawai`i is dependent on ocean shipping for at least 90 percent of every commodity used and consumed in the state.

The Impact of the Jones Act on the People of Hawai‘i

The Jones Act requires that for a ship to operate in interstate commerce, (between states), it must be built in America, owned by Americans, 75 percent manned by an American crew, and maintained and flagged in the United States.  The net effect of the enforcement of the Jones Act on the State of Hawai‘i’s population has been wide-ranging.

Examples:  The expense of agricultural production became prohibitive, not only because of the inbound shipping cost of fertilizers, herbicides, and farm implements but also due to the outbound shipping costs for our locally grown fruits, livestock and ornamental plants.  Hawai‘i cattle ranchers are faced with an intolerable situation.  They often have to transport their cattle, from Kawaihae to Vancouver B.C. on a Canadian owned Corral Lines to remain profitable.  The cattle must then be trucked (often for 500 miles)  into the U.S. to be fattened and sold.  To go direct, some are flown on Boeing 747 aircraft.

There has emerged a monopolistic control of shipping in and out of the State of Hawai‘i, eliminating the cost reduction benefits of competition.  As will be shown at trial, the cost of everything from automobiles to paper towels is significantly higher because of the enforcement of the Jones Act provisions.

By comparison, the tiny islands of Singapore and Hong Kong, which do not have similar trade restrictions and with less than 1/20th the land mass of Hawai’i, enjoy a Gross Domestic Product in excess of two billion (2,000,000,000.00) U.S. dollars per year. That is 40 times greater than Hawai`i’s GDP of fifty million (50,000,000.00) U.S. dollars per year when government spending and tourism are excluded. This is an absurdity for Hawai‘i’s economic viability.

The Fundamental Purposes of the Commerce Clause

The fundamental purposes of the Commerce Clause of the US Constitution are, among others, “…to assure the unrestricted flow of commerce throughout the several states,” 282 NE2d 336,  “…to assure to the commercial enterprises in every state substantial equality to access to a free national market,” 517 P2d 691.  Further, the “…power granted is a positive power to legislate concerning transactions which, reaching across state boundaries, affect the people of more states than one, and to govern affairs which the individual states,with their limited territorial jurisdictions, are not fully capable of governing.” 322 US 533.  Clearly, the Jones Act and its provisions are in direct violation of the spirit of the Commerce Clause.

Aloha Hawaii Liberty lovers:

This Saturday is our nation’s 233rd year since declaring independence from the crown’s tyranny. In the middle of your activities, I encourage you to make some time this weekend to read or re-read the Declaration of Independence. Maybe a gem of insight about courage or justice will speak to you as happens whenever I read it.

http://www.ushistory.org/Declaration/document/index.htm

Right now the Hawaii Campaign For Liberty’s legislative focus is putting pressure on Senator’s Inouye and Akaka to co-sponsor S604, the Senate companion to HR1207- Ron Paul’s Audit the Fed resolution that at last count has 245 co-sponsors.

http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/z?c111:S.604:

The best way to keep current, network and receive training is through the official Campaign For Liberty website.

http://www.campaignforliberty.com/usa/HI/

Once you’ve joined the Campaign For Liberty in Hawaii, be sure to CHECK BACK OFTEN, log in and check your messages, and return to the state page (as well as your district and county pages)–the site is a social networking site for liberty lovers, and will be the best way for us to share information with you–but YOU’VE got to sign in so that you can read it.

Please mark your calendars for our next C4L BBQ/Meeting on Sunday, August 2 @ the Moana Pacific. A detailed invitation will be posted soon.

On a final note, the results we want to see in our civil polity are always in conflict with our impatience, but history teaches us hope.

“What is true of the individual will be tomorrow true of the whole nation if individuals will but refuse to lose heart and hope.” -Mohandas Ghandi.

Dan Douglass

By Ron Paul

With a faltering economy, and skyrocketing costs, healthcare continues to be a critical issue for all Americans. Unfortunately government encroachment into the doctor/patient relationship is poised to exacerbate our problems with healthcare.

As an OB/GYN with over 30 years of experience in private practice, I understand that one of the foundations of quality healthcare is the patient’s confidence that all information shared with his or her healthcare provider will remain private. And yet, the Federal Government plans to undermine this trust with establishment of mandatory electronic medical records collections and “unique health identifier” numbers assigned to all Americans. Funding for this program was among the numerous provisions jammed into the stimulus bill rushed through Congress earlier this year.

Electronic medical records that are part of the federal system will only receive the protection granted by the federal “medical privacy rule.” This misnamed rule actually protects the ability of government officials and state-favored special interests to view private medical records without patient consent.

Aside from those concerns, the government’s ability to protect medical records is highly questionable. After all, we are all familiar with cases where third parties obtained access to electronic veteran, tax, and other records because of errors made by federal bureaucrats. We should also consider the abuse of IRS records by administrations of both parties. What would happen if unscrupulous politicians gained the power to access their political enemies’ electronic medical records?

For these reasons I have introduced the Protect Patients’ and Physicians’ Privacy Act, HR 2630, which allows patients and physicians to opt out of any federally mandated, created, or funded electronic medical records system. The bill also repeals sections of federal law establishing a “unique health identifier” and requires patient consent before any electronic medical records can be released to a 3rd party.

I have also introduced the Coercion is Not Health Care Act, HR 2629. This legislation forbids the federal government from forcing any American to purchase health insurance, or conditioning participation in any federal program on the purchase of health insurance. Forcing Americans to purchase government-approved health insurance is a back door approach to creating a government-controlled healthcare system. Congress would define what policies and coverage requirements satisfy their mandate. Does anyone then doubt that what conditions and treatments are covered would be determined by who has the most effective lobby? Or that Congress would be capable of writing a mandatory insurance policy that fits the unique needs of every individual in the United States?

With these conditions in place, I foresee the eventual imposition of price controls and limitations on what procedures and treatments that are covered. This will result in an increasing number of providers turning to “cash only” practices, making it difficult for those relying on the government-mandated insurance to find healthcare — the exact opposite of the desired result! Consider the increasing number of physicians who are already withdrawing from the Medicare program because of the low reimbursement and constant bureaucratic harassment from the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services.

Congress should put the American people back in charge of healthcare by expanding healthcare tax credits and deductions, increasing access to Health Savings Accounts, respecting privacy and the doctor/patient relationship. Further politicizing and bureaucratizing of healthcare will only increase costs and reduce quality, as demonstrated by most other countries with socialized medicine.

The real reason behind Obama’s bank bailouts are paybacks to bankrolling politicians as exposed in this Richard Ebeling article.  Hat tip to Ken Schoolland for forwarding this article.

Republican Governors in several states give reasons for rejecting parts of the $787 billion stimulus while others give reasons for accepting the full package in this Reuters article by Alan Elsner.

By Reason.tv

2008 was an apocalyptic year for the American car industry, with sales of Ford, General Motors, and Chrysler cars all falling by 25 percent. Supporters of the Big Three automakers argue that the government needs to provide Detroit with at least $50 billion in taxpayer money in order to save the American car industry, on top of the billions of federally subsidized loans they’ve already received. President Barack Obama agrees, having attacked John McCain during last year’s presidential campaign for opposing a bailout of Detroit.

But while many commenters and union advocates paint Detroit’s economic troubles as a consequence of the financial crisis, necessitating its inclusion in the bailout sweepstakes, the financial troubles of the Big Three long predated the current mess. Indeed, in 2007, GM sold more cars and trucks than Toyota. Yet Toyota made almost $2,000 per vehicle while GM lost more than $1,000. So why does the United Auto Workers union and President Obama want taxpayers to reward Detroit—and punish her competitors—for making unprofitable cars?

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Part I covered the history and purpose of the Jones Act.

Part II covered proponents arguments and analysis.

For the full study with all figures and tables, log on to Jones Act study 2009.

By Daniel Brackins

Job Protectionism and Unemployment

As has been noted the U.S. shipping industry attempts to increases the wages of its employers with the use of the Jones Act. This is primarily accomplished through unions. A binding minimum wage can be introduced either by law or through collective bargaining.

The point of intersection of the supply and demand curves is the equilibrium point where supply equals demand. This point changes with shifts in the demand for labor (increase in demand for labor will increase price of labor).  If labor markets were free to operate with no outside influence, then supply would equal demand, and all those who desired employment would be employed.

We see that if the wage rate is higher than the equilibrium wage rate, the supply of labor will exceed the demand. By creating an artificial price floor for labor that is above the equilibrium wage rate, the supply of labor will exceed the demand (at that wage rate) and not all people who seek employment will be able to find a job. Note that if the wage is set below the equilibrium wage, it will have no effect on the equilibrium point for the labor market (a nonbinding constraint). The higher the minimum wage above the equilibrium wage, the greater is the impact. The magnitude of the impact is also determined by the number of people who are currently being paid the minimum wage, and therefore directly affected by the change. Bargaining power obtained through the representation of large numbers of workers can result in wage rates that are well above the equilibrium rate. Often studies allude to cases where there appears to be little or no negative effects resulting from a minimum wage increase. These conclusions may occur due to the magnitude, timing, and number of employees impacted by the increase.

There is an inability for unions to create wage equality through artificial wage inflation. In the unions’ attempt to equalize wages they have essentially done the opposite. An artificial increase in wages above the real market value assumes an infinite amount of monetary supply (Gallaway & Vetter, n.d.). With this failed logic it would be acceptable to pay a floor sweeper $50 per hour or perhaps $500 per hour. Yet the money supply is not unlimited; therefore, any shift will create a side effect. As a result any money given to one person must be taken from another. In the case of wage inequality it is wages that would have been given to another had the wages been

In the industry represented in the diagram there are a total of 5,000 jobs possible before saturation occurs.The market rate has established $10 per hour for this job and would allow for maximization and full employment. However, if an artificial rate were established at $50 per hour, as a result, only 1,000 workers could be utilized. This would prevent 4,000 workers from entering the industry.

Decline of U.S. Shipping

In comparison to other nations without cabotage restrictions there has been a decline in the U.S. shipping fleet, losing out to the competition of these other nations (Competition, 2006).  This is occurring despite the protectionist policies of the United States.  A comparison of vessels operating can be seen in figures 3 and 4.

It must be noted that the protectionist policies of the U.S. has reduced the number of U.S. flagged ships in operation.  On the other hand countries that exercise free trade policies, without cabotage laws, such as Panama, Singapore, and Hong Kong have a flourishing merchant fleet.  Open competition has created incentives for companies to operate in these nations.  Even U.S. shipping companies are aware of this benefit.  Despite having to pay a 36% penalty fee under Jones Act laws, Matson has some of its ships repaired in Shanghai, China.  Matson spokeman Jeff Hull stated, “[despite the fee] it’s still considerably cheaper” (Little, 2001).

References

1800JonesAct. (2008). The Jones Act U.S.C. Title 46 (Recodified 2006). Retrieved November 21, 2008 from http://www.1800jonesact.com/maritime_statutes/default.asp

Competition in the Noncontiguous Domestic Maritime Trades (2006).  U.S. Department of Transportation Maritime Administration.

Little, R. (2001). U.S. merchant fleets sails toward oblivion.  The Baltimore Sun.  Retrieved October 1, 2008 from http://www.mcall.com/topic/balte.bz.
sealift06aug06,0,7707946.story?page=1

Longshormen, Making $100K Per Year, Won’t Reduce Demands (2002). Rense.com. Retrieved September 29, 2008 from http://www.rense.com/general30/long.htm

Maritime Flags of Convenience Visualized (2007). gCaptain. Retrieved September 29, 2008 from http://gcaptain.com/maritime/blog/tag/data/

McClintock, M. (2004). Merchant Marine Act of 1920. eNotes.com. Retrieved October 2, 2008 from http://www.enotes.com/major-acts-congress/merchant-marine-act

Official USDA Alaska and Hawaii Thrifty Food Plans: Cost of Food at Home (2008).  United States Department of Agriculture.

Official USDA Food Plans: Cost of Food at Home at Four Levels (2008).  United States Department of Agriculture.

The Economic Effects of Significant U.S. Import Restrains Fifth Update 2007 Investigation No. 332-325 (2007).  United States International Trade Commission.

The Hidden Costs of U.S. Shipping Laws (1996).  Public Interest Institute.

The Price of Paradise! (n.d.). Alternative-Hawaii. Retrieved October 1, 2008 from http://www.alternative-hawaii.com/overpop.htm

The World Factbook (2008).  Central Intelligence Agency.  Retrieved October 2, 2008 from https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/

South Carolina Governor Mark Sanford in this cnn.com piece entitled “Don’t Mortgage Our Children’s Future” dispells the Obama myth that the only option to a trillion dollar stimulus is to do nothing.

By David A. Singhiser

Dear Senator,

I have no illusion and will not be surprised when you vote for the new scam President Obama is pushing on us. He is using fear to further increase the power and scope of the Federal Government (as Mr. Emmanuel said, “Never let a serious crisis go to waste.”)

Nevertheless, I want you to know that I am against the bailouts.

Can you explain to me the moral and constitutional justification for doing this?

Can you explain where the money will come from?

There are only three sources: inflate the currency, borrow the money, or increase taxes.

Can you explain how it is moral to inflate the currency, thus taxing the poorest of our citizens and robbing the people of their savings?

Can you explain how is it moral to borrow more money, thus putting our children, our grandchildren, and us further in debt?

Can you explain how is it moral to increase the tax burden on a nation that is already suffering, robbing the people of what little the government already allows them to keep in order to bailout incompetent corporations?

You swore to uphold and defend the Constitution.

How is this bailout constitutional? It is not. It is immoral and unconstitutional.

Let’s be honest, shall we?

We are no longer a constitutional republic under the rule of law; we are a democracy under the rule of the mob. The Constitution is dead. Every vote for a bailout, every unconstitutional act of Congress, the President, and Judiciary shows the contempt the three branches have for the Constitution, making a mockery of it and your oath of office to uphold it.

David A. Singhiser is a Honolulu resident.

By Guy Monohan

The latest effort by Congress and our new administration to resolve our economic malaise is a good example of applying macroeconomic management to an economy that thrives when microeconomic management is practiced.

We as Americans have been conditioned by academia and media to believe that only experts with national and international credentials have all the answers.

So instead of making decisions at the local and individual business level where challenges and opportunities are intimately understood, we instead put our faith in “smart” people, who will never be able to properly manage the enormous and daunting complexity of what once was, in many respects, a free economy.

A complexity that politicians claim would require next to a trillion dollars to manage. The number alone should prove my point. The inevitability that Washington will prevail, proves their agenda. They do not want a free economy.

Guy Monohan is a Honolulu resident.

Hawaii is mentioned as one of 20 states where lawmakers have moved to reclaim sovereignty in this worldnetdaily.com.  Jerome Corsi lumps Hawaii’s sovereignty movement in with more recent movements reacting to the new $1trillion Obama stimulus package.

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Part I addressed the history and purpose of the Jones Act in this series.

By Daniel Brackins

Proponent Argument

In addition to national defense, proponents argue that the Jones Act provides additional benefits to the United States.  Among these include job protection due to unfair competition by from other nations.

Job Protection

Phillip Grill (1996) says that job protected by the Jones Act is 124,000 (as cited in The Hidden Costs, 1996).  Grill further says that these jobs must be protected in order to prevent the loss of jobs to foreign competitors, who charge less than fair wages for similar work done by U.S. workers.  This is a claim to unfair competition.  Indeed the wages of a merchant marine are incredibly high compared to their counterparts.  A U.S. longshoreman or marine clerk can earn upwards of $100,000 to $137,000 per year (Longshoremen, 2002).  Indeed this is a much greater salary found in such places as China.  This increased cost of wages will be further analyzed.

National Defense

In the wars of this century, commercial shipping has been critically important. The relevant question is not whether future threats might require that fleets of commercial-type ships be available. The question is whether present programs provide such a capability effectively and efficiently.  If the U.S. flagged fleet is fully employed during peacetime serving commercially important domestic and international trades, it is neither an entirely reliable nor a low-cost military reserve. This was verified during the Gulf War (Ferguson, n.d.).

Some security justification for transporting war material in peacetime exclusively on U.S. flagged ships is valid. The fact that a large fraction of military preference cargo consists of household goods and private automobiles dilutes any such basis for incurring the high costs of cargo preferences. Further, cargo preference does not buy much reserve military capability; the cargo preference largely supports bulk carriers and container ships that are of limited military use (Ferguson, n.d.).

The higher than competitive prices that are permitted under the antitrust exemption for conference ratemaking may be important, given present regulatory constraints, in sustaining the U.S. flag fleet. However, more than 80 percent of traffic in American international liner commerce is carried by foreign companies. Therefore, whatever military gain is achieved through conference price fixing accrues predominantly to foreign governments (Ferguson, n.d.).

The defense-related rationale for present policies presupposes that, despite the enormous capacity available on the open market, only U.S.-flag service could be relied on in an emergency. In contrast, the Military SealiftCommand made extensive use of foreign ships and crews in the Gulf War, and representatives of the Department of Defense have recently declared that there is no need to rely on the U.S.-flag commercial fleet in any foreseeable wars (Ferguson, n.d.).

Analysis

Operating Cost Differentials

Vessel costs are primarily comprised of capital and operating costs. Capital costs refer to vessel construction costs.  Operating costs include wages paid to crews, direct fuel charges, insurance, maintenance and repair, and other administrative expenses. Of these, labor and maintenance costs are typically higher in absolute terms for U.S. vessels than for foreign-flagged vessels (table 1). U.S. crew costs generally account for most of the differences in operating costs between U.S. and foreign flagged vessels. For example, manning costs account for 77 percent of the operating cost differential for a typical oil tanker and 81 percent of the cost differential for a typical containership (The Economic Effects, 2007).

Table 1.

Expense Category

U.S. Flagged

Foreign Flagged

Crew

12,705

2,940

Fuel

4,410

3,045

Maint. & Repair

2,310

1,470

Insurance

13,335

13,335

Other

1,500

1,400

TOTAL

$34,260

$22,190

Source:  The Economic Effects, 2007

The above table indicates a large crew expense for U.S. flagged ships.  In addition to the higher salaries demanded, American ships must hire more crew members than foreign ships, often 23 or more, compared with as few as 11 on other vessels (Little, 2001).  Even ship owners willing to pay American salaries say they were forced from the fleet because of all the other expenses that the U.S. flag requires. “Foreign crews eat less, they travel economy class, they seem to use less [provisions], there’s less overtime, no workers complaints,” said Vass, who re-flagged the LNG Aquarius. “I can’t think of anything that didn’t cost more. Like the beef. They would only eat prime American beef - not choice, like your wife feeds you, but prime, U.S. beef. We had to fly it out to Japan.”I’m not saying the Americans aren’t good. They are. But the foreign crew doesn’t mind eating Australian beef” (Little, 2001). In the past 25 years 1,600 vessels have left the U.S. fleet (Little, 2001).

In Hawaii many cattle ranchers have decided to use airplanes to ship their cattle.  They find it cheaper and more efficient than shipping them on U.S. flagged ships.  These cattle fly on 747s in livestock containers at 30 cents a pound (Little, 2001).  They have no other choice since foreign flagged vessels are not allowed to ship cargo from one U.S. port to another.

If foreign vessels were allowed to participate in U.S. cabotage, some industry analysts maintain that, in addition to complying with environmental laws, foreign vessels operating in U.S. domestic waters would be required to comply with other U.S. regulations, including federal and state tax, immigration, and labor laws.  According to industry representatives, foreign vessel compliance with these laws likely would increase the costs of such vessels operating in Jones Act trade, thereby substantially decreasing the cost differential between U.S. and foreign flagged carriers.  However, only some of these laws would apply to foreign vessels if they were allowed to participate in Jones Act trade (The Economic Effects, 2007).

Job Protectionism and Unemployment

As has been noted the U.S. shipping industry attempts to increases the wages of its employers with the use of the Jones Act.  This is primarily accomplished through unions.

1800JonesAct. (2008). The Jones Act U.S.C. Title 46 (Recodified 2006). Retrieved November 21, 2008 from http://www.1800jonesact.com/maritime_statutes/default.asp

Competition in the Noncontiguous Domestic Maritime Trades (2006).  U.S. Department of Transportation Maritime Administration.

Little, R. (2001). U.S. merchant fleets sails toward oblivion.  The Baltimore Sun.  Retrieved October 1, 2008 from http://www.mcall.com/topic/balte.bz. sealift06aug06,0,7707946.story?page=1

Longshormen, Making $100K Per Year, Won’t Reduce Demands (2002). Rense.com. Retrieved September 29, 2008 from http://www.rense.com/general30/long.htm

Maritime Flags of Convenience Visualized (2007). gCaptain. Retrieved September 29, 2008 from http://gcaptain.com/maritime/blog/tag/data/

McClintock, M. (2004). Merchant Marine Act of 1920. eNotes.com. Retrieved October 2, 2008 from http://www.enotes.com/major-acts-congress/merchant-marine-act

Official USDA Alaska and Hawaii Thrifty Food Plans: Cost of Food at Home (2008).  United States Department of Agriculture.

Official USDA Food Plans: Cost of Food at Home at Four Levels (2008).  United States Department of Agriculture.

The Economic Effects of Significant U.S. Import Restrains Fifth Update 2007 Investigation No. 332-325 (2007).  United States International Trade Commission.

The Hidden Costs of U.S. Shipping Laws (1996).  Public Interest Institute.

The Price of Paradise! (n.d.). Alternative-Hawaii. Retrieved October 1, 2008 from http://www.alternative-hawaii.com/overpop.htm

The World Factbook (2008).  Central Intelligence Agency.  Retrieved October 2, 2008 from https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/

Editor’s note:  Hawaii Liberty Chronicles contributor, Daniel Brackins, has released his research on the Jones Act’s economic impact on Hawaii written on assignment for his 6000 level Economics course at Hawaii Pacific University.  It will be released in parts with this first portion covering the history and purpose of the Jones Act.  Pictures added at editors discretion.

The Merchant Marine Act of 1920, commonly referred to as the Jones Act, is a United States Federal statute that regulates maritime commerce in U.S. waters and between U.S. ports.  It is a cabotage law which also contains provisions regarding seamen’s rights.  These cabotage provisions restrict the carriage of goods or passengers between U.S. ports to U.S. manufactured flagged vessels.  In addition, it maintains that 75% of the crew members must be U.S. citizens.  Also repair work of U.S. flagged vessels’ hulls and superstructures is limited to 10% of foreign built steel weight (1800JonesAct, 2008).  These restrictions are largely American protectionist policies.  These policies have a significant impact on the economy of the United States.  Since Hawaii is an island which relies on trade and commerce for subsistence, the Jones Act has severe negative implications for the economy of Hawaii.

No reliable analyses of the economic benefits of U.S. maritime polices have been published.  Nor has there been a reliable study as to the benefits of a repeal of the Jones Act.  As a result, judgment of these policies must be made by their rationale and their specific impact on certain economic sectors. Unfortunately there is even less information available for the economic impacts on the State of Hawaii.  This paper will focus on the implications for the economy of Hawaii.  It will demonstrate that costs for moving cargo between U.S. ports is far higher than if such restrictions did not apply, and that this cost is passed on to the consumer.  It will also show that the U.S. shipbuilding industry has also suffered as a result of the Jones Act, and this it has prevented U.S. flagged ships from competing in international shipping.  In addition a focus will be on the final implications for Hawaii’s consumers who bear the burden of this failed economic policy.  Ultimately it will be shown what steps can be taken to reverse the negative impacts of the Jones Act and make Hawaii a prosperous state.  Conclusions will be drawn from the general impact of the cabotage law on the United States and its effects on Hawaii.

The Hawaiian Merchant leaves San Francisco Bay on Aug. 31, 1958, with 20 24-foot containers on its deck. The Matson ship inaugurated container shipping in the Pacific. Photo: Matson Navigation Co.

The Hawaiian Merchant leaves San Francisco Bay on Aug. 31, 1958, with 20 24-foot containers on its deck. The Matson ship inaugurated container shipping in the Pacific. Photo: Matson Navigation Co.

History and Purpose of the Jones Act

The intent and purpose of the Jones Act has been codified in the preamble of the Act itself:

  • It is necessary for the national defense and for the proper growth of its foreign and domestic commerce that the United States shall have a merchant marine of the best equipped and most suitable types of vessels sufficient to carry the greater portion of its commerce and serve as a naval or military auxiliary in time of war or national emergency, ultimately to be owned and operated privately by citizens of the United States; and it is declared to be the policy of the United States to do whatever may be necessary to develop and encourage the maintenance of such a merchant marine…(1800JonesAct, 2008)

The history of the Jones Act must be evaluated in its historical context.  At the turn of the century the United States was completing a process of development after overcoming the turmoil of the Civil War.  It was at this time that strong and viable merchant fleet became a political priority.  The British, known for a strong merchant fleet, were looked upon as a model because of their ascension to a position of dominant world power.  This was attributed to having a strong naval fleet.  Sir Walter Raleigh stated, “Whosoever commands the sea commands trade; whosoever commands the trade of the world commands the riches of the world, and consequently the world itself” (McClintock, 2004).

Destroyers present include: USS Farquhar (DD-304), at left; USS Reno (DD-303), center; USS William Jones (DD-308), right center; and USS Hull (DD-330). Photographed by the Shura Studio, Honolulu. Courtesy of Charles Sass, 1979. U.S. Naval Historical Center Photograph.

Another development was the need for American military forces to have a dependable sea lift capability in time of defense.  This was realized during World War I.  The infant U.S. Navy did not possess the capability of performing this function, and thus relied on the civilian sector for the transport of military cargo to overseas destinations.

The volume of cargo and international trade for the U.S. merchant fleet had drastically decreased due to the economic decline and global turmoil caused by World War I.  Further complicating the ability of the U.S. merchant fleet to compete in international commerce were higher construction and operation costs. For example, in 1926 the comparative monthly crew costs for ships of equal size were: $3,270 for the United States; $1,308 for Great Britain; and $777 for Japan.  Historically, the United States curbed the impact of such issues through cabotage laws, which are government measures used to protect or foster a domestic shipping industry by reserving all or a portion of international sea commerce to ships which fly the national flag (McClintock, 2004).

Cabotage laws were first introduced with the Shipping Act of 1916. The Shipping Act stated that only citizens of the United States, or companies in which a controlling interest was held by a citizen of the United States, could own a U.S. vessel. Additionally, the secretary of transportation had strict control over the transfer and chartering of U.S. vessels to foreign companies, and it provided for the regulation of rate agreements to avoid rate wars.  Subsequently, Congress passed the Merchant Marine Act of 1920, which was arguably the nation’s most influential cabotage law (McClintock, 2004).

1800JonesAct. (2008). The Jones Act U.S.C. Title 46 (Recodified 2006). Retrieved November 21, 2008 from http://www.1800jonesact.com/maritime_statutes/default.asp

McClintock, M. (2004). Merchant Marine Act of 1920. eNotes.com. Retrieved October 2, 2008 from http://www.enotes.com/major-acts-congress/merchant-marine-act

By Jeff Flake

Pay to play. It’s never really been a secret in Washington, D.C., but the egregiousness of this practice is just starting to rear its ugly head.

In today’s Roll Call, it is being reported that longtime Rep. Jack Murtha’s (D-PA) campaign was well funded by those for whom he secured earmarks. When he was in the fight for his political life last fall, Rep. Murtha cashed in chips he had accumulated through earmarking.

As you know, I’ve long railed against this practice. It’s completely unethical, irresponsible and an incredible waste of your tax dollars. Governor Blagojevich’s recent scandal in allegedly trying to sell a U.S. Senate seat is just another example of the ‘Pay to Play’ mentality. It’s time we end this practice once and for all.

With the new administration’s focus on change, I’ve offered a new piece of legislation aimed at cutting the connection between earmarks and campaign contributions by clarifying that campaign contributions do, in fact, constitute a “financial interest” that often influence congressional earmarking.

Below are two articles on ‘Pay to Play’ that ran in yesterday’s Roll Call about Congressman Jeff Flake’s efforts to reform Washington.

Please take a look and leave a comment.

Murtha Got Payback in ‘08
http://www.rollcall.com/issues/54_78/news/31774-1.html
January 27, 2009
By Tory Newmyer, Roll Call Staff

Facing a surprisingly tough re-election challenge in the closing days of his 2008 campaign, Rep. John Murtha (D-Pa.) called on a well-established network of his earmarking beneficiaries to bail him out. And the defense industry contractors, several of whom had pulled down millions of dollars in Murtha earmarks in the 2009 defense spending bill, responded by flooding his coffers with what amounted to rescue cash.

Rep. Jeff Flake (R-Ariz.), who is pushing a rules change to clamp down on lawmakers fundraising from earmark recipients, said recent revelations about the extent of the practice highlight the need to restrict it.

“Pay to play is rampant in the earmarking process, and it needs to stop,” he said.

Read the full article here: http://www.rollcall.com/issues/54_78/news/31774-1.html.

Flake Bids for Ban on Earmarks
http://www.rollcall.com/issues/54_78/news/31773-1.html
January 27, 2009
By Steven T. Dennis and Tory Newmyer, Roll Call Staff

The pay-to-play scandal involving impeached Illinois Gov. Rod Blagojevich (D) and his alleged shakedowns for campaign contributions has inspired a fresh effort by Rep. Jeff Flake (R-Ariz.) to throw a wrench into Capitol Hill’s earmark machine.

Flake’s proposed rules change would ban Members from proposing earmarks if they received campaign contributions from anyone related to the company getting the earmark, including lobbyists, company employees and political action committees.

Reporters and watchdog groups have reported numerous instances of lawmakers funneling millions to their campaign benefactors by cross-referencing campaign finance data with earmark disclosures, and Flake believes that it is just a matter of time before a Blagojevich-like scandal explodes in Washington, D.C.

Flake said the Blagojevich scandal reveals that federal prosecutors are now serious about pursuing corruption stemming from the solicitation of campaign donations — a development that should worry Members of Congress.

“My first thought was that Blagojevich was a rookie compared to what goes on around this place,” he said. “We’ve been whistling past the Justice Department, assuming that the House ethics guidance, written by our colleagues, will protect us from prosecution. I’m just trying to bring our own practice in line with what seems to be reality. I think this is the quickest way to do it.”

Legislation, he said, could prompt First Amendment challenges.

He said he believes transparency rules applied at the start of the previous Congress have already had a chilling effect on fundraising from earmark recipients — but lawmakers hoping to rein in the practice need more tools to do so. “We’re not much for shame,” he said.

Read the full article here: http://www.rollcall.com/issues/54_78/news/31773-1.html.

By Ken Schoolland

As the recession deepens in Hawaii and across the nation, academics and journalists have joined in panic chorus to warn of the dreaded economic monster: DEFLATION! What’s this? Falling prices. Is it bad? An army of lobbyists will try to persuade the Legislature and Congress that it is very bad. They will press lawmakers to prevent deflation with price controls, subsidies, and regulation.

Under the title “The Growing Threat of Deflation,” Chris Isadore explained the alarm on CNNMoney.com saying, “The biggest problem with deflation is that when businesses need to continually cut prices to spur sales, they eventually respond by cutting production. That results in growing job losses, and could, in the worst case scenario, even cause a depression.” (12-18-08)

I don’t buy it.

Increasing Wealth
Suppose retail prices are cut in half. Do we stop buying? No. We buy more because we are wealthier. Our income can buy twice as many products. And producers have an incentive to hire more people and to buy more materials to make more products. It is easy for producers to do so because their money also buys twice as much!

But if people see prices fall, moans journalist Robert Krulwich on ABC , they will stop buying because they will wait for prices to keep falling further. Really? Then what was going on when a consumer stampede killed a Wal-Mart store clerk on Long Island during the Black Friday discount sales last fall? Was that crowd at the door waiting passively for prices to fall still further?

No. People respond to lower prices. People buy more when prices fall. Economists who say otherwise are defying what they teach as “The Law of Demand” and “the wealth effect.” A good example of prices falling over the long run is in the computer industry. Prices have always been going down, but people still buy more computers and related stuff. Why? Most people buy computers when the trade for paper dollars seems worth it to them—all the time!

The Politics of Prices
Why all this hand-wringing about falling prices? To understand the alarm, one must first understand the politics of prices in Washington, D.C. People are affected differently by broad changes in prices and they have different levels of political influence. Some are winners and some are losers. If the quantity of money increases faster than increases in the quantity of products, we experience rising prices. This general rise in prices is inflation. During inflation, people with fixed incomes are losers because their income buys fewer products. They are less wealthy.

The same holds for savers and pensioners who earn a fixed income from interest. Savers and pensioners are the ultimate creditors who use banks as middlemen to loan their money on to debtors. Years later, debtors pay off their loans with “cheap” money, money that can’t buy as much because of rising prices. So savers and pensioners may get repaid in money that can’t buy as many products as before the loan. Thus creditors are big losers from inflation and debtors are big winners. Who is the biggest debtor in every country of the world? The government.

Winners & Losers
People with low incomes usually spend their dollars on daily living. Higher income people who don’t spend their dollars on daily living don’t care to hold or save a lot of paper that is losing value. Those with a lot of extra dollars trade for things that increase in value, i.e. gold and precious metals, real estate and raw materials, museum collectibles, etc. The more demand, the more those prices rise.

Who is the biggest holder of gold, real estate, and museums in every country of the world? The government. Who collects more taxes as incomes rise to higher brackets and as property values rise? The government. And who prints the dollars and spends them first? The government.

If Joe the Plumber prints a few hundred dollars, the officials arrest him for “counterfeiting.” The counterfeiter has taken products from society while simultaneously devaluing everyone’s currency. When the government prints a few hundred billion dollars, these officials are applauded for “stimulating the economy with monetary policy.” Whether accomplished by counterfeiters or monetary officials, the effect is much the same: a redistribution of wealth from the losers of inflation to the winners of inflation. In this manner, monetary policy has robbed 95 percent of the purchasing power of the dollar over the past 75 years.1

Consumer Price Index, 1800-2005

“By a continuing process of inflation, governments can confiscate, secretly and unobserved, an important part of the wealth of their citizens.” –John Maynard Keynes

Property and Debt
My house in Waipahu nearly doubled in value over three years. It increased in value by more than I earned as income in the same period of time. The house was the same, except for wear and tear. Good for me. So where did the extra value come from? It didn’t fall out of the sky and I didn’t do anything to earn it.

No, much of this “value” came from the losses of everyone holding dollars. Thank you very much inflation. I was a big winner and I don’t deserve any tears if the price of my house should fall again later. Deflation does the opposite of inflation by reversing the winners and losers. During deflation people with fixed incomes, savings, and pensions all become wealthier as their dollars buy more products. They are winners from falling prices.

Losers from deflation are the debtors who must pay off debts with more valuable dollars. Other losers are the holders of precious metals and real estate that decline in value during deflation. The losers include many influential people, but the biggest loser in all categories is the government—it holds more debt, gold, and land than anyone else. In addition, the government faces falling tax revenues and a loss of newly printed money to spend. And politicians don’t want that.

Japan’s Lost Decade
We are told that deflation is the great horror facing our nation because debtors will find it increasingly difficult to pay off their debts. We are told this condition plagued Japan in the 1990’s and led to a “lost decade” of near zero growth. I don’t buy it.

Deflation isn’t the cause of defaults and economic collapse. Default and collapse are the consequence of extraordinary inflation and a reckless credit expansion bubble. There’s no reason to have more sympathy for debtors during deflation than the debtors have for their creditors during inflation. Both sides are responsible for the risks, not just the creditors. An inflationary bubble was created in Japan, leading to soaring real estate, stock, and credit markets. Land prices in Tokyo were so inflated that the value of the Emperor’s Palace grounds was estimated at greater than the value of all the land in California.2 That inflationary bubble had to crash, and it did. There was no stopping it—but they tried.

Inflation preceded the crisis in Japan and the winners from inflation were not going to give up their gains by permitting lower prices to restore normalcy. Instead, massive monetary infusions and price manipulations continued to interfere with, and delay, necessary economic adjustments. The economic crisis in Japan was the creature of inflation. This is the same in the U.S. today following decades of inflation and the subsequent bubble in real estate, stocks, and credit markets. Deflation is an inevitable restoration of real economic value.

“Government is the only agency which can take a useful commodity like paper, slap some ink on it, and make it totally worthless.”– Ludwig von Mises

All Bubbles Pop
Is growth impossible during deflation? Not at all. Modest deflation was normal from 1865 to 1911, one of America’s great periods of growth. The quantity of products increased faster than the quantity of money. So what? People built this into their planning.

Deflation rewarded those who saved money and invested wisely. It rewarded fixed-income workers with increasingly valuable dollars. And it penalized those who borrowed recklessly. All of this was good for growth.

Then the Federal Reserve Board was created just in time to print money and expand credit for World War I and to generate the real estate, stock market, and credit bubbles of the Roaring 20’s. RCA stock soared from a couple dollars a share to over $600 a share.3

This bubble had to collapse, and it did with the Great Depression and America’s “lost decade” of the 1930’s. It is more than coincidence that the Great Depression followed the creation of the Federal Reserve Board.

Was the Great Depression cured by more government spending? Not at all. Federal spending increased by 49 percent under President Herbert Hoover in the three years from 1929 to 1932, the greatest peacetime increase in U.S. history. President Franklin D. Roosevelt increased federal spending by another 49 percent in the five years from 1933 to 1938, and the economy was still deep in depression with nearly 18 percent unemployment.

What Spending Matters: How Much or On What?
How did Hoover and Roosevelt spend that money to prevent deflation? Both of them spent millions trying to make food scarce in order to raise prices. While consumers across the nation were suffering widespread unemployment, historian Eugene Barker recounts that FDR “made contracts with farmers to plant less land than usual in wheat, cotton, corn, rice, tobacco, and a number of other crops…farmers who entered into the contract ‘plowed under’ millions of acres of growing cotton…”

“In order to reduce the supply of hogs and cattle, so that the price of bacon, hams, and beef might go up,” says Barker, “the government bought and destroyed several million pigs and beeves.” 4

Roosevelt’s advisors said this was good for the economy. Well, all this spending was good for farmers, bureaucrats, and generous politicians. But it was not good for the economy. It was disastrous for most folk because it meant there would be less food and clothing amidst higher prices and higher direct and indirect taxes. More important than how much money is spent locally or nationally, is how wisely money is spent. And massive government spending typically redirects wealth from productive investment to unproductive malinvestment.

Virtue and Vice
Inflation now seems inevitable to anyone who grew up after World War II. Few people alive today can remember a time when prices were actually stable or going down. The result is that inflationary monetary policy always punishes savers and rewards debtors with perverse incentives.

Thus, Americans have become addicted to spending and debt. Americans don’t save enough for their own retirement, for their own education, for their own health care, for their own unemployment or other emergencies. Instead, Americans have become dependent on politicians and the government to provide for their retirement, education, health care, unemployment and other emergencies.

And where does government get the money to do all of this? They print dollars and they borrow dollars from those who do save a lot, i.e. the Asians of rapidly emerging markets abroad. Is it time for the government to reverse these incentives—to reward savers and punish debtors with deflation? No.

It is time for the government to get out of the business of manipulating the value of “legal tender” as a way of increasing its power and manipulating people. Officials with fine hats are neither smart enough nor virtuous enough to rule us in this manner. We have been the toys, the broken and abused toys, of politicians and elitist monetary officials long enough.

The government monopoly on currency through legal tender laws should end. Americans should be free to choose alternative currencies to work for and to save.5 Governments are not good at running monopolies. When there is competitive choice, people will look for quality alternatives, and the government will finally have a motive to stop ruining the dollar by inflation.

Footnotes:
1. Rockwell, Lewellyn H., “The Blessings of Deflation,” Ludwig von Mises Institute, 5-30-03.
2. Emmott, Bill, The Sun Also Sets, Page 118.
3. de Aenlle, Conrad, “Is Frenzy for Internet Stocks a Bubble Waiting to Burst?“, International Herald Tribune, 9-25-99.
4. Barker, Eugene, The Building of Our Nation, Row, Peterson & Co., Evanston, Illinois, 1948, p. 776.
5. Paul, Ron, “Ron Paul on Legal Tender Laws,” RonPaul.com, Sept. 28, 2008.

By Gary North

Today is inauguration day. George W. Bush will officially depart as soon as Barack H. Obama is sworn in.

The Audacity of Hope is the title of Obama’s campaign book. As with Bill Clinton’s A Man from Hope video, the accent is on the positive.

To campaign on hope is a tried-and-true tradition. Like second marriages, this is hope triumphing over experience. Also like second marriages, the honeymoons are shorter.

The general public is always optimistic when a President is inaugurated. Most voters want to believe that things will get better. If things have been going well, they expect this to continue.

The greatest optimism usually occurs at a first-term President’s inauguration. People were optimistic about Clinton in 1993, Reagan in 1981, Kennedy in 1961, and Eisenhower in 1953. The one exception was Nixon in 1969. The election had been very close, the Vietnam war was a quagmire, and Nixon was widely distrusted as “tricky Dick.” The pessimists had every reason to be pessimistic in 1969, as things turned out. But you would not have guessed this in 1972. He won in a landslide, despite the recession and the huge back-to-back Federal deficits in 1970 and 1971, his unilateral annulment of the international gold standard, his unilateral imposition of price and wage controls, the shortages that resulted, the continuing quagmire in Vietnam, and the rumors about the Watergate break-in. The quadrupling of the price of oil in 1971 was also bad news.

There was brief optimism over Gerald Ford, despite escalating inflation and despite Nelson Rockefeller as the appointed Vice President. But optimism gave way to pessimism in what became the worst post-war recession. He was sent packing in 1976.

Reality usually intrudes. Eisenhower experienced two recessions, 1953 and 1957, years of his inauguration. Kennedy got trapped in Vietnam. Then he was assassinated, undermining faith on the “can-do liberalism” of the pre-Kennedy era. Johnson’s disaster in Vietnam undermined liberalism even more. Nixon gave us serious inflation, a scandal and a resignation, and no resolution of the Vietnam War. Ford was a fluke. He never recovered from his pardon of Nixon. Carter experienced the worst peacetime inflation in American history and then a recession. To that was added the Iran crisis: the hostages and the failed rescue attempt. Reagan escaped, just as Eisenhower had escaped. He was the Teflon President. Clinton also escaped. He was the charm President. He could talk his way out of anything, just as Reagan could. Reagan’s 1984 campaign promised “morning in America.” It looked plausible until September 11, 2001.

DEFICITS AND FIAT MONEY

Half a century ago, the master humorist and serious political scientist C. Northcote Parkinson coined Parkinson’s law: “Work expands so as to fill the time allotted for its completion.” He suggested other laws, but that one became his most famous law.

He made a very important point when he discussed government committees in charge of spending. He said that a committee will wrangle over a few thousand dollars but hardly discuss a bill to spend several million. (The numbers were lower in the 1950’s.) Why is this? Parkinson offered an answer. Members of a committee have experience with several thousand dollars. They know how much can be wasted. They also know how little it will accomplish. But they have no personal experience with millions. They don’t argue over a huge number because it is merely a number. They don’t connect emotionally with it.

Half a century later, the committees spend a hundred billion dollars without worrying about it. There was that one fine moment in September 2008, when the House of Representatives voted down the Administration’s $700 billion bailout of the banks. Three days later, the House passed it.

From then until now, neither political party has blinked about bailouts. The Federal Reserve System has added $1.6 trillion to the monetary base since April 1, 2008. The Federal government has agreed to absorb bad debts in the range of $8.5 trillion, after last week’s deal with Bank of America, the nation’s largest bank (this week).

Serious resistance to Federal spending is over. There will be debates over which groups get their hands into the bag of loot, but the bag will surely grow.

The House Ways and Means Committee and the Senate Finance Committee do not officially ask, let alone answer, the following questions:

1. Who will invest in this debt at today’s interest rates?
2. Will these investors be private Americans?
3. Will Asian central banks buy this debt? (Have they already begun to sell it?)
4. Will the Federal Reserve System buy this debt with newly created money?
5. How high will interest rates go? How soon?
6. How will this debt be repaid? (Joke!)
7. How will the government be able to roll over this debt from now until Doomsday? (When is Doomsday?)
8. What effect will investment in Federal debt have on the cost of capital in the private sector?
9. If the private sector cannot attract capital at low rates, what effect will this have on future production?
10. When will these trillion-dollar annual deficits end?

Because such questions are considered fiscally naïve, the committees do not hold hearings on any of them.

Why are these questions considered fiscally naïve? Because they involve two things that Congress rarely considers: (1) economic cause and effect; (2) the long run.

PANDORA’S BOX CONTAINED HOPE

We usually forget this. The Greeks understood that hope springs eternal. But the evils in the box are permanent.

We still like to celebrate Pandora’s optimism on January 20, every four years. It is part of the American political tradition. But then the other escaped evils reassert themselves.

Optimism regarding Obama’s Administration, as with every new administration, rests on a presupposition: politics trumps economics. This is another way of saying that legalized coercion trumps voluntarism.

Faith in the means of this triumph is lodged in three institutions: the national government, the Federal Reserve System, and foreign central banks. No matter how bad things get economically, voters believe in these three institutions, if they actually have heard of central banking, which few have and fewer remember.

Today, the national government is running at least a $1.2 trillion annual deficit. To this will be added whatever the proposed stimulus law will cost. Estimates run in the range of $400 billion a year for two years. Obama has said that annual deficits in the trillion-dollar range will go on for years. He has not been specific, rather like his date for a pullout from Afghanistan.

The public does not care. Optimism is still widespread. Like a spouse in a second or third marriage, who does not yet know of her partner’s snoring, the voters expect smooth sailing through treacherous financial waters.

The Bush Administration established the precedents: a $700 billion bailout (plus $150 billion in Congressional pork), the various bank bailouts, and the nationalization of the mortgage market. Whatever President Obama proposes will be an extension of existing policies. There will be no successful opposition. There will be no turning back.

THE POINT OF NO RETURN

Critics like to say that we have gone beyond the point of no return. There is no agreement on when this point was reached or what it was.

My view is that it was the ratification of the Constitution in 1789. I have written a book on this, Conspiracy in Philadelphia. Even for me, this book is considered controversial. You can download it for free.

The case can be made that the war of 1861–65 was the point of no return. But I think it was the election of 1904, the most forgotten Presidential election of the twentieth century. Only a handful of historians and political junkies can tell you who lost. A slightly greater number can tell you who won: Teddy Roosevelt. Can you name his opponent?

I thought not.

It was a New York politician, Alton B. Parker. He was a pro-gold standard politician. I have written about this election before. When he lost, William Jennings Bryan was overjoyed. He said that the Cleveland wing of the party was finished. He was right. Bryan got one more shot at the Presidency in 1908. He lost for the third time. Four years later, Woodrow Wilson won. In that election, three Progressives – statists – ran against each other: Roosevelt, Wilson, and President Taft. That year also saw a Constitutional Amendment establishing the direct election of Senators. Another amendment was said to be passed – technically, it wasn’t: the income tax. In 1913, late in December, the Senate passed the Federal Reserve Act.

No turning back. No turning back.

The Medicare Act of 1965 made it impossible to avoid a national default. The numbers are horrendous. Occasionally, a subcommittee of Congress invites an economist to come and testify on this. The testimony gets no publicity. The committee chairman thanks the economist, who then returns to obscurity.

This fiscal year, the combined unfunded liability of Social Security and Medicare will be in the range of $75 trillion. No one in government notices, other than Ron Paul and a few similarly minded House members. No one cares. Such numbers are considered naïve. They are only numbers. Numbers above $1 billion do not register mentally. Parkinson told us this during Eisenhower’s Administration. Nothing has changed.

CONCLUSION

I do not know how long the political honeymoon will last. I do know this: the magnitude of the Federal deficits and the magnitude of Federal Reserve monetary base inflation will not bring anything like smooth sailing through the financial storm.

We have already seen the monetary base translated into expansion of M1. Offsetting this has been an increase in excess reserves deposited by banks at the Federal Reserve. Last fall, the FED began paying interest on reserves. That change in policy had been scheduled for 2011. It was moved up because of the crisis. Now the FED pays nothing. Excess reserves now receive nothing. Banks must pay interest on all deposits. Where will they get an even greater rate of return? They are losing money on every dollar held at the FED. The shrinking money multiplier will reverse when banks pull money out of the FED and start buying T-bonds or whatever else will safely pay a positive rate of interest.

The political game will go on. The economic causes will continue: national debt and monetary inflation. Historically, this has led to price inflation. Deflationists tell us, “This time it’s different.” We shall see. We shall see before the next Congressional elections.

Gary North is the author of Mises on Money. Visit http://www.garynorth.com.

By Lew Rockwell

A key part of the Obama strategy is to blame Bush for at least the first couple years of disaster in the New Era, until the magic money wand finally works.

Well, good luck Barack. Even though the Bush regime did indeed bring on this crisis, the evaporation of George (who he?) means you own the depression. So when it gets far, far worse, as it inevitably will, thanks to your bankster rip-off policies, the tail will be pinned on your donkey.

By Gary North

And so you get what I call the natural progression, the three I’s: the innovators, the imitators, and the
idiots.  — Warren Buffett

That was Mr. Buffett’s assessment of the housing bubble and the institutions that financed it.  He made this statement last October on the Charlie Rose show on PBS.

http://www.cnbc.com/id/26982338/page/4

He made this statement on October 1.  A year before, the Dow Jones Industrial Average peaked at 14,164.  That was the highest it ever closed.

On November 4, 2007, Charles Prince resigned as CEO of Citigroup, which was the largest U.S. bank at the time.

On November 5, I told my GaryNorth.com subscribers to get out of stocks and short the S&P 500.  I knew it was over.  Done.  The bubble was about to burst.

Citigroup shares were $30 when Prince departed.  They are under $4 today.

The largest bank is now Bank of America.  Yesterday, the press ran a story that BofA needs more billions of Treasury money, to add to the $25 billion already received.  It seems that the Merrill Lynch deal did not work out as planned.

On July 30, 2008, I wrote an article, “Pathetic Merrill Lynch.”

Merrill Lynch is the great emblem of the old Wall
Street. It made its name and its fortune in the days
when government regulation prohibited price competition
by brokers. Merrill Lynch’s model was doomed the day
the Charles Schwab showed up. The discount brokerage
houses have undermined the main source of income for
the stodgy old brokerage firms that relied on
government intervention to prevent competition.

Now these firms try to make up for vastly reduced
brokerage income by selling advice and putting together
specialized deals. The classic example of this approach
to moneymaking is Bear Stearns. It went bust in three
days. It got in on the new leveraged markets, and it
got its investors into these markets, and then went
belly up. It got bought for a song by J.P. Morgan.

Merrill Lynch now says that it has to raise $8.5
billion in new capital. The sweetheart that came in to
rescue Merrill Lynch is the sovereign wealth fund of
Singapore. This is a Singapore government operation.
What is basically a socialist operation has to bail out
the symbol of American capital. This is where Wall
Street has led us. This is what Alan Greenspan’s bubble
economy has produced.

The sovereign wealth fund of Singapore lost billions in the Bank of America deal two months later.  At first, BofA offered $50 billion in stock.  The CEOs of the two firms did not ask their respective shareholders.  It was a weekend sweetheart deal to save Merrill.  Lehman Brothers went bankrupt that weekend.  Merrill was failing fast.

By the time the Merrill deal was consummated two months later, the BofA stock was worth $20 billion.

How smart are the bureaucrats who run the export surplus governments’ sovereign wealth funds?  Not very.

So far this month, the Treasury has supplied $10 billion to the BofA to buy Merrill.  This was in addition to an earlier injection of $15 billion to save the bank.

http://GaryNorth.com/snip/768.htm

Now, the BofA is back for more.

The news did not affect Wall Street.  The Dow rose a whopping 12 points for the day.

Two weeks after Buffett made his comment on the idiots, BofA shares were at $40.  Today, they are around $8.

As I mentioned, Citigroup’s shares are under $4.  The only reason they are this high is that the Treasury absorbed $306 billion of bad assets last November.  This was the nation’s largest bank in 2007, with only BofA giving it a run for its money.

BofA is still giving it a run for its money.  But it’s a run for our money.

It is the end of an era.  Confidence in the stock market will takes years to return.  Nobody is going to believe in the now dead New Era.  This time it wasn’t different.  These two banks were symbols of the power of American capitalism.  They are now busted shells, whose CEOs must go to the Treasury, hats in hand.  “Hey, buddy, can you spare $300 billion?”

They are wards of the state.

The banking cartel had an impressive run under the protective wings of the Federal Reserve System.  But the days of wine and roses are over.

THE END

In December, Portfolio.com published a fascinating essay by Michael Lewis, “The End.”  Two decades ago, Lewis became an overnight sensation with his book, “Liar’s Poker.”  It was a study of the hottest of hot shot investment bankers.  The term, “liar’s poker,” got into common usage.

His article features one of the cleverest pieces of art work I have ever seen.  It is a morphed image of the famous bronze bull on Wall Street, located just outside the New York Stock Exchange.  The bull is on its side, dead.

Lewis begins with a description of his three years at Salomon Brothers, beginning in 1985.

I’d never taken an accounting course, never run a
business, never even had savings of my own to manage. I
stumbled into a job at Salomon Brothers in 1985 and
stumbled out much richer three years later, and even
though I wrote a book about the experience, the whole
thing still strikes me as preposterous — which is one
of the reasons the money was so easy to walk away from.
I figured the situation was unsustainable. Sooner
rather than later, someone was going to identify me,
along with a lot of people more or less like me, as a
fraud. Sooner rather than later, there would come a
Great Reckoning when Wall Street would wake up and
hundreds if not thousands of young people like me, who
had no business making huge bets with other people’s
money, would be expelled from finance.

That day has now arrived.  It began in August of 2007, a few weeks after the Dow closed at 14,000, and fell back the next day.  The first tremors hit the world’s capital markets.  The U.S. stock market shrugged it off.  Two months later, the Dow hit its all-time high.  Optimism was universal.  The great bull market, which in fact was lower in terms of purchasing power than it had been in March 2000, was on a roll.

It in fact was on a roll over.

Lewis continues.

I thought I was writing a period piece about the 1980s
in America. Not for a moment did I suspect that the
financial 1980s would last two full decades longer or
that the difference in degree between Wall Street and
ordinary life would swell into a difference in kind. I
expected readers of the future to be outraged that back
in 1986, the C.E.O. of Salomon Brothers, John
Gutfreund, was paid $3.1 million; I expected them to
gape in horror when I reported that one of our traders,
Howie Rubin, had moved to Merrill Lynch, where he lost
$250 million; I assumed they’d be shocked to learn that
a Wall Street C.E.O. had only the vaguest idea of the
risks his traders were running. What I didn’t expect
was that any future reader would look on my experience
and say, “How quaint.”

Lewis said he had no great agenda in writing the book.  The best he hoped for  is that it would serve as a warning for college students.  They should do something better with their lives than come to Wall Street.  What he found was the opposite.  He began getting letters from college students, asking him how they, too, could get in on a good thing.  “They’d read my book as a how-to manual.”

The system kept rolling along.  He gave up hope that it would finally break down.  Pay rose, scandals had no effect, and the beat went on.

Then it came to a screeching halt.  On October 31, 2007 — Halloween or Reformation Day, depending on your taste — an unknown analyst with Oppenheimer issued a report warning that Citigroup was in danger of going belly-up.  It had to cut its dividend.  For some reason, Meredith Whitney was believed.  Financial shares fell like a stone all day.  The industry lost $369 billion in market value in one day.

On November 4, Prince departed.  Citi cut its dividend in January.

This woman wasn’t saying that Wall Street bankers were
corrupt. She was saying they were stupid. These people
whose job it was to allocate capital apparently didn’t
even know how to manage their own.

That was the heart of the matter.  These people, for all their IQs, for all their contacts, for all their inside
information, were stupid.

They were, in Buffett’s graphic term, idiots.

For a year, Lewis says, she has warned that it isn’t over, that the write-downs are not enough.  Events keep bearing her out.

Lewis called her last March.  He wanted to know if there were people on Wall Street who had seen it coming.  There had been: the man who had taken her under his wing when she arrived on Wall Street as a recent history major.  His name was Steven Eisman.

THREE WHO WENT SHORT

Lewis’ article is really about Eisman and his two partners.  These three Jewish guys — two who grew up in New York City — spotted the emptiness of the entire system, and they got very, very rich shorting it.

They did not just short the S&P 500, as I advised my readers.  They figured out how the mortgage market had been sliced and diced.  They shorted subprime loans.  Even better, they shorted the bonds issued against the collateral of the subprime loans.

Eisman had contempt for the supposed geniuses, who did not understand the contracts their lawyers created and they signed.

In 1991, Eisman had been hired by Oppenheimer.  He was a lawyer, but he hated being a lawyer.  His story is a classic in entrepreneurship.  He was there at the right time.

He was hired as a junior equity analyst, a helpmate who
didn’t actually offer his opinions. That changed in
December 1991, less than a year into his new job, when
a subprime mortgage lender called Ames Financial went
public and no one at Oppenheimer particularly cared to
express an opinion about it. One of Oppenheimer’s
investment bankers stomped around the research
department looking for anyone who knew anything about
the mortgage business. Recalls Eisman: “I’m a junior
analyst and just trying to figure out which end is up,
but I told him that as a lawyer I’d worked on a deal
for the Money Store.” He was promptly appointed the
lead analyst for Ames Financial. “What I didn’t tell
him was that my job had been to proofread the
­documents and that I hadn’t understood a word of the
[!@#$%] things.”

Oppenheimer handed the task of analyzing the Money Store and its mortgages.  That was how he became the guru of subprime mortgages.

He and his two partners were convinced of one thing: that Wall Street was not interested in clients.  The clients were the victims.

Danny Moses was one of the three.  He knew the system.  When he would negotiate a deal for the hedge fund with a large Wall Street trading firm, he always asked this question: “How are you going to [@!#$%^] me?”  The trader insisted that this would not happen.  No deal, said Moses. We both know what can happen.  If
you want the deal, tell me how you’re going to be able to do it.  The guy would tell him, and Moses would do the deal.  He knew how much risk to accept.

You and I don’t.  The retirement fund managers didn’t.

The three figured out in 2004 that there were major problems looming for the housing market, especially in the “sand” states: California, Florida, Nevada, and Arizona.  The median home price had risen from the traditional 3 to 1 to 10 to 1 in Los Angeles.

Eisman realized in 2006 that the credit ratings agencies were ignoring this mess.  The brokerage houses and investment banks would take low-rated BBB mortgages, slice and dice them, and the ratings agencies would rate the top end AAA.  Now get this.

He called Standard & Poor’s and asked what would happen
to default rates if real estate prices fell. The man at
S&P couldn’t say; its model for home prices had no
ability to accept a negative number. “They were just
assuming home prices would keep going up,” Eisman says.

These were the best and the brightest.  These were the masters of the universe.

These were idiots.

The team went to Orlando in late 2006 to attend a trade show on subprime mortgages.  They had expected a small, specialized group.  There were 6,000 people there, Eisman says.  It turned out that the show in Las Vegas was larger.

Note: in late 2005, I reported on a report by Las Vegas banker Doug French on the looming disaster in Las Vegas real estate.  I warned of a similar disaster looming in California.  No one paid any attention.  You can read it here:

http://www.lewrockwell.com/north/north416.html

If I knew, why didn’t the geniuses of American finance know?

Which brings us back to Merrill Lynch.

“We have a simple thesis,” Eisman explained. “There is
going to be a calamity, and whenever there is a
calamity, Merrill is there.” When it came time to
bankrupt Orange County with bad advice, Merrill was
there. When the internet went bust, Merrill was there.
Way back in the 1980s, when the first bond trader was
let off his leash and lost hundreds of millions of
dollars, Merrill was there to take the hit. That was
Eisman’s logic — the logic of Wall Street’s pecking
order. Goldman Sachs was the big kid who ran the games
in this neighborhood. Merrill Lynch was the little fat
kid assigned the least pleasant roles, just happy to be
a part of things. The game, as Eisman saw it, was Crack
the Whip. He assumed Merrill Lynch had taken its
assigned place at the end of the chain.

http://GaryNorth.com/snip/769.htm

And so, this week, the Bank of America, America’s largest bank (this week), has learned to its dismay that . . . Merrill is there.  The Bank of America wants billions more from the Treasury.

I can hardly blame them.

CONCLUSION

We are witnessing the nationalization of what remains of American financial capitalism.  The government is the owner now.  The government promised the voters that nothing bad would happen.  This guaranteed that something very bad would happen.  Now it has happened.

On January 15, on the day of the announcement by Bank of America, a CNBC commentator admitted that this was a tipping point for him, after 22 years.  The government is now running the show.  It’s not the free market any more.  He asked two of the other commentators –one of them was the cute lady with the bags
under her eyes, who was in the elementary school 22 years ago — whether it might have been better to let the bad firms go belly- up, so that the good ones could rebuild.  You have to see it to believe it.  See it.

http://www.garynorth.com/public/4487.cfm

If they are beginning to figure it out on CNBC — though in a moment of weakness — then word will get out.  The Federal Reserve System and the Treasury are running the show.

In short, we are now in part 2 of stage 3.

Part 3 will be even worse.


At Reason Goes Hollywood, Reason’s 40th anniversary bash held November 14-15, 2008 in Los Angeles, Reason magazine Editor in Chief Matt Welch led a discussion with Reason Foundation Vice President of Research Adrian Moore and Big Hollywood’s Andrew Breitbart about what’s next in politics and culture in Obama’s America. (46:59)

By Kristian Somi

What’s wrong with primary and secondary education in the United States? Despite double digit increases in spending on public schools, our students continually underperform compared to their peers at private schools.

Every year, despite more and more tax money being thrown at the public education system, children appear to get less and less. Today, the cost per pupil in public schools is actually higher than the average cost in private schools!

Sadly, no politician—except perhaps the people at the budget office or Department of Education—seems to know about that. For example, in Washington, D.C., the average cost per pupil in public school is $24,600, while the average for private schools is $14,534.

According to recent studies, productivity per hour in the United States for public schools (which is based on test scores and education costs) has decreased by 14.4 percent since 1992, while productivity for private schools has increased by 41 percent per hour.

Private schools are free to innovate, compete for students, and have more flexibility and feedback from teachers and parents when designing curriculums. Conversely, public schools are guaranteed public funding, have a geographic monopoly within their school district, are burdened by bureaucracy, and are falling behind in terms of innovation and productivity. If a private school was failing, parents could simply “buy” education at a different private school.

Give parents more choices when it comes to educating their children. Make public schools compete for students. This would save tax money and improve the quality of education for our children. As Benjamin Franklin said: “An investment in knowledge pays the best interest”. However, that requires our citizens to have a high quality, innovative, competitive, and affordable education.

Kristian Somi is a graduate of Hawaii Pacific University and is a Policy Analyst Intern at The Grassroot Institute.

The editor of this clip saved the best for last (7:19).